Friday, February 19, 2010

The Canadian Apprenticeship Forum is seeking apprentices

To Whom It May Concern:


The Canadian Apprenticeship Forum is seeking apprentices who would be willing to be profiled on their website in order to encourage young people to become apprentices and to provide them with information on ways in which to find an employer/sponsor.


http://www.caf-fca.org/en/


We will be profiling 15 – 20 apprentices, so it is possible that not all those who respond will be posted on the website.


Attached is an invitation to participate. We would appreciate it if you could pass it on to apprentices who you feel might be interested. As well if you could post it on the bulletin board of your local’s office and/or training centre that would be very much appreciated.


Thank you for your help with this. If you have any questions, please call Paul Bakker, 1-866-469-9954 x226.


Best Regards,


Jennifer Logan


Cathexis Consulting

124 Merton St., Suite 502
Toronto, Ontario M4S 2Z2


Order Making it Work BookletLooking for more information about apprenticeships or a career in the skilled trades? Let us point you in the right direction.


Are You Interested in Being Profiled on the Canadian Apprenticeship Forum Website

The Canadian Apprenticeship Forum is looking for apprentices who have been successful in finding an employer sponsor.


We want to hear about:

§ What influenced you to apprentice in your trade?

§ How did you go about finding an employer?

§ What challenges did you face?

§ How did you address those challenges?

§ What advice would you give young people on how to find an employer sponsor?


We are looking for people from across Canada in any of the Red Seal trades. We also want the profiles to cover the full range of diversity including women, visible minorities, Aboriginal people and people with disabilities.

If you are willing to tell you story and have it profiled on the CAF-FCA website along with sending us a photo of you, please call or email Paul Bakker:

Telephone: 1-866-469-9954 x226

Email: paul@cathexisconsulting.ca

NWTC Wants More Women In Apprenticeship Programs

Tue February 16, 2010

NWTC

GREEN BAY, Wis. (WTAQ) - Wisconsin’s technical colleges want more women to join their apprenticeship programs. Once the economy improves, they expect more women to be recruited as plumbers, electricians, and carpenters. Northeast Wisconsin Technical College in Green Bay has 450 student apprentices – but only 7 are women. That’s why the school is holding an informational seminar for women Tuesday night.

Todd Kiel of NWTC says women and society need to get past the stereotype that females are not “cut out” to work with their hands. He says a big turnover in the job market is expected in the next 10 years as baby boomers retire. Kiel says a better pipeline needs to be established for future workers, and apprenticeships will put people of both genders in a better position to get those jobs. The state has about 300 apprenticeships ranging from pipe fitting to cosmetology.


http://new.wtaq.com/news/articles/2010/feb/16/nwtc-wants-more-women-apprenticeship-programs/



Wednesday, February 17, 2010

The Nuts and Bolts of the Obama Bailout



Nicole Adams
constructionmanagementdegree.org

It’s the new focus of attention among homeowners struggling to keep up with falling rates, rising mortgages and homes that are underwater – while the complete details about the $75 million bailout sanctioned by the Obama government are not available as of now, there seems to be a mixture of hope tinged with doubt in the air. The question that most people are asking is – will the bailout help me?

The answer depends on a variety of factors –

  • It will be to your advantage if you’ve been up to date in your payments so far.
  • You do qualify if your loan was sanctioned by Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac.
  • You could get your monthly payments reduced to 31 percent of your household income.
  • You qualify for a refinance at a low interest rate for up to 105 percent of your home’s present value.
  • You are eligible for help under the bailout plan only if you are the homeowner and if the home in question is your primary residence. You do not qualify if you bought the home for investment or resale purposes.
  • You do not qualify if the home is a vacation residence.
  • The new low interest rates are fixed only for the first five years, after which they will gradually be raised to the current levels.
  • You could get your principal decreased if you are up to date in your monthly payments for the first five years while the interest is low.
  • There are no prepayment penalties, so you could pay more than the minimum amount each month and get through your mortgage in a shorter period of time, thus reducing the total amount you’re supposed to pay. The more you pay each month, the less you owe on interest on the remaining principal amount.
  • You do not qualify if you took out the initial mortgage knowing that you could not hope to make the subsequent payments. This is a tricky codicil – no one actually takes out a loan deliberately knowing that they cannot hope to pay it back. But if you’ve never made a single payment or if you’ve defaulted on a large number of them, you’re bound to come under scrutiny and be denied the benefits of the bailout, even though circumstances and bad luck made it impossible for you to keep up with the payments.

So where is the $75 million going? Well, a large part of it is making its way into the pockets of your lenders or loan servicers – for each loan modification (decrease in interest) a lender makes, he or she gets $1000. They also get $1000 every three years if a borrower is regular in his payments for the same period. And they also get $500 for every borrower brought under the umbrella of this plan just before he/she starts missing their payments.

While the details are sketchy at present, we will know more when March 4 arrives and the program unfolds. Till then, it’s best to keep up with your payments and keep your fingers crossed hoping that you’ll qualify.


http://constructionmanagementdegree.org/?page_id=53


To find out if you qualify for help with your mortgage payments, check out:

http://www.homeownerstimulus.org/

http://makinghomeaffordable.gov/



Tuesday, February 16, 2010

Diving in Alaskan Waters: First female Underwater Welder in Alaskan Local 2520 Divers

Breaking barriers in Alaska's cold waters

Why would Sullivan want to do that kind of work?

"It's the hardest diving in the U.S.," she said. "No female has ever done it before and I want to do it. And, you know, when I went to school, you could never tell me a female couldn't do something."


ANCHORAGE, Alaska - Most people would have said, "Heck with this." But for Jennifer Sullivan, that first dive in the freezing-cold waters in Whittier on that Thanksgiving weekend sealed the deal.

"I came out of the water, pulled off my hood and my hair froze like that," she said, snapping her fingers. "I knew then that this was what I was going to do."

Underwater welder. It's not the first profession that comes to mind when one first meets Sullivan. She's petite: around 5 feet tall, and not much heavier than 100 pounds. The 30-year-old blond has a quick smile, but a firm handshake.

She's worked hard to break into a field that employs only a handful of women in an already narrowly specialized group of workers. And she's has impressed even the longtimers, like Steve Stuart, her boss and mentor at American Marine Corp.

"She can keep up with the best. She's a good hand," Stuart said. "This lady, of all the people who came along trying to break into this industry in the last few years, she is in the forefront of the next generation. She's taken it upon herself to do a huge amount of training, she's aggressive. You can tell she really wants it."

Sullivan's ultimate goal is to work in Cook Inlet, considered among the toughest places to work in the world.

It'll be years before she's ready, but Stuart said she's got a good shot.

Raised in Fairbanks, Sullivan took to the water early. She was on the swim team in school, winning several medals over the years.

A car accident put her on the sidelines. A truck rolled over her leg, crushing her femur when she was 14 years old. She spent a month in the hospital and nearly two years on crutches.

After graduating high school, she attended the University of Alaska Fairbanks for a semester, and figured out pretty quickly it wasn't for her. She wanted to be an underwater welder.

Sullivan said she can't remember exactly what put that notion in her head; she just knew it was what she wanted to do.

"I knew I could either be a marine biologist, and never get into the water, or I could do this and dive," she said. "Plus, the money is better."


She got her recreational divers certification, making that first dive in Whittier on that Thanksgiving weekend.

She was accepted into a diver's academy in New Jersey. While waiting for classes to start in a few months, she and her family took a vacation to Hawaii. There, she found the National Polytechnic College of Engineering and Oceaneering had a commercial divers school, and that one started in a few days.

Her family came back to Alaska without her. The 52-week divers program had finals every five weeks. "It was brutal, but I loved it," she said.

When she finished up in Hawaii, Sullivan moved to California for about a year, doing inspections of buildings and other structures on land, but wasn't diving.

She came home to visit family in 2008, and meantime, recalled a representative from the American Marine Corp. visited one of her classes in Hawaii. On a lark, she applied for a job in the Anchorage office.

They scooped her up, getting her on the payroll and into the apprenticeship program in the Piledrivers, Bridge, Dock Builders and Divers Local 2520, a trade union affiliated with the United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners of America.

It's a four-year apprenticeship program: Sullivan is in her fourth year in terms of her diving hours, and her second year in terms of her class completion schedule classes aren't available as often as she'd like.

Sullivan is breaking ground in underwater welding. She is the only woman on the diving staff at American Marine's Anchorage office, and the first female underwater welder to sign up at Local 2520.

The lack of women in her newly chosen career field struck her in school in Hawaii. There was only one other woman in her class. Another had graduated the year before.

"I'd eventually like to see more females, but it takes a different breed of female to do it," Sullivan said.

Another woman recently signed for the apprenticeship program, and looks like she has what it takes, Sullivan said.


It's hard life, though. There are weeks away from home, and it's rough and dirty work. She hangs around with a bunch of men all the time. There's no pampering. Modesty goes out the door pretty quick.

Relationships often don't last; the industry has a fairly high divorce rate, Stuart said. Sullivan was in a relationship for a while - he killed her plants once. It's over now.

"I'm not a homemaker, a wife. I made that choice in high school," she said. "I do everything I can to further myself in this field."

And she's had to learn to do the job a little differently than her male counterparts, who can muscle gear and materials around. Sullivan said she has to use her head more, figuring out ways to maneuver heavy blocks of concrete using the water, for example.

A longtime diver himself, Stuart has taken Sullivan under his wing, teaching her some of the tricks of the job. Always, a safety lesson is first. He's seen two friends die in the water and doesn't want to experience it again, he said.

Sullivan did her first official commercial dive for American Marine last spring, doing maintenance and replacing concrete blocks at the Northstar terminal, a manmade facility on the North Slope located in the Beaufort Sea.

"I think they put me in just to shut me up," she said.

Sullivan eventually wants work on the platforms in Cook Inlet. Divers around the world know about the Inlet divers.

It'll take at least five years of steady work before she reaches the level of experience needed to even be considered for the Inlet, Stuart said.

"In the Inlet, you have to use your brains and finesse. It's the mental more than the physical," Stuart said. "You have to want it, but you have to respect it."

Cook Inlet is a 200-mile stretch of water in Southcentral Alaska. Oceanographers say Inlet tides are among the strongest, largest and fastest in the Americas, with bore tides, rip tides and fast spots under the water that could suck a diver away in a few seconds.

And those fast-moving waters are intensified in the areas where several Cook Inlet platforms are built, thanks to narrower land masses nearby. That stirs up the glacial silt on the sea floor, offering zero visibility. Temperatures average 60 degrees in late summer and 30 degrees in winter.


Why would Sullivan want to do that kind of work?

"It's the hardest diving in the U.S.," she said. "No female has ever done it before and I want to do it. And, you know, when I went to school, you could never tell me a female couldn't do something."


http://www.adn.com/news/alaska/ap_alaska/story/1140225.html

Monday, February 15, 2010

Justice for Bianca: A construction site safety supervisor dies in a fire after filing a $20 million sexual harassment suit


Bianca was working as a safety supervisor on a Manhattan construction site owned by the banking firm JP Morgan Chase, when she was sexually harassed by co-worker Steve Greco. When she attempted to complain to her employer, Total Safety Consulting, she was ignored and eventually fired and replaced by a man. She consulted a lawyer who helped her file a sexual harassment lawsuit against these three parties. On the eve of the first preliminary conference on her case, Bianca died in a suspicious fire in her home.

Bianca worked in one of the most sexually segregated industries in the nation. Women have been trying to enter the construction trades for three decades but their participation rate has hovered around a mere 2% of all construction jobs. Construction jobs are among the few high-paying blue-collar jobs available in this country and women have systematically been denied access to them. Those who are lucky enough to be hired in construction jobs face extreme isolation from other women and across-the-board discrimination from unions, contractors and co-workers, often taking the form of overt sexual harassment and threats of physical violence. Bianca worked in a situation where there was literally no one to turn to for help. We applaud her bravery in standing up to fight, not just for herself, but for all working women and particularly those working in the construction industry. We also applaud both her attorney and her young daughters for vowing to continue her lawsuit.

On behalf of Bianca, her daughters and women working in the construction industry or hoping to work there in the future, we demand a full investigation of the circumstances surrounding Bianca’s death.

Join the facebook page: Justice for Bianca

Justice for Bianca wants probe into fatal building fire

Last Updated: 10:39 AM, December 1, 2009

Posted: 12:45 PM, November 25, 2009

Bianca Kuros, 44, died in the fire in her fifth-floor apartment in the Pomonok Houses near the intersection of 71st Avenue and Parsons Boulevard, according to the police. Kuros was slated to appear in federal court in Manhattan the day after the fire for a hearing on the lawsuit she filed this summer against her former employer, Total Safety Consulting, according to court documents.



Saturday, February 13, 2010

Chicago Ohare Contractor circulates racist, sexist emails

Racist, sexist e-mails circulated at major city contractor under fire

Released on Tuesday, February 9, 2010 8:51


They are photos you would expect to find on a porn site or in hate mail, not in corporate headquarters.

But a Fox Chicago News investigation has found racist and sexist e-mails being circulated through the offices of a major city contractor.

Our story begins two years ago, when Olivia Roberts got the office manager’s job for a suburban contracting company.

She was riding high, she recalls. “I was trying to fit in,” she said, “and then I started seeing these e-mails.”

The e-mails were from top company officials. Pornographic e-mails, lurid photos, women engaging in oral sex.

Over the next year there would be racist e-mails ridiculing Hispanics. Offensive jokes about President Obama’s race. One e-mail was even titled, “Jokes to Offend Everyone.”

“I have collected at least six inches of e-mails on this type of behavior,” Roberts said, “What does that say?”

Roberts worked in the Texas office for Harbour Contractors. It’s a family-owned business based in Plainfield, Illinois.

They’ve earned millions from city contracts at O’Hare Airport, many of them no-bid.

“They said one thing, behaved one way, and then behind closed doors this is what they said and this is how they acted,” Roberts said.

And so, for example, the Chicago Public Building Commission had no idea that on the very day it gave Harbour Contractors $30 million to build a new police station, a manager e-mailed a Christmas greeting showing topless women to executives, saying “Breast Wishes for Christmas.”

Mayor Daley chaired that PBC meeting and voted for the deal. The Harbours and the Daleys have been long-time business acquaintances and reportedly, friends, a tie the Mayor laughed off at a recent press conference.

“Everybody is a friend with my family. I just want to tell you everybody’s a friend. I just met these individuals. They’ll be friends too,” he said.

Companies doing business with the city must comply with federal laws banning discrimination. Mayor Daley explained how he would expect this situation to be handled.

“You take action against that individual,” Daley said. “That’s what they did, I understand, is fire the individual.”

But someone must have misled the Mayor. Harbour’s attorney says no one was fired for sending offensive e-mails. He says the company just recently became aware of the full scope of the problem.

But one of the e-mails was sent three years ago, to Harbour’s owner and CEO, Patrick Harbour. It’s called “Let’s Play Border Patrol.” It’s a video game for shooting undocumented workers.

No one from the company would speak on camera. But in a statement, the company admits a few disparaging e-mails went to Patrick Harbour, but added; “… he has no recollection of seeing any of the offensive material.”

After a few months on the job, Roberts says she complained to her boss about the e-mails. But when they didn’t stop, she says she was too intimidated to raise the issue again.

“The issue is whether you have the right to bring that stuff into the work place and force it on women — force it on African-Americans, says John Hendrickson, supervising attorney for the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission’s Midwest office. “You don’t have that right,” says Hendrickson.

He would not comment on Roberts’ case, but he says higher-ups typically set the tone for all of the employees in the workplace.

Hendrickson says, “And if they see that managers are engaged in that conduct themselves, and we have plenty of those cases, or managers are aware of it and don’t put a stop to it, boom! There you go. It’s going to metastasize like cancer, shoot through the workplace.”

At Harbour, a vice-president and human resources director sent a sexist e-mail, with a photograph, to Olivia’s boss.

“I have one that he forwarded, of a woman naked… picking up a beer keg,” says Roberts. “This is the HR director. This is the person that, who authored the employee relations manual telling me what is allowed and not allowed.”

The company’s technology expert, who Olivia says co-authored the manual on how the computers were to be used, sent out a slew of offensive emails.

“It’s unacceptable,” says Mayor Daley. “Any type of conduct that gets any employee that deals with sexual or sexual relationships, anything is unacceptable. By your company or my company, the city of Chicago, by anyone.”

Harbour, in its statement, says it regrets that its “internal polices and controls failed.” It said the company works to treat employees and businesses fairly, adding it “… is strongly opposed to racial, sexual and all other offensive behavior such as was depicted in some of these e-mails.”

The apology comes too late for Olivia Roberts. The e-mails continued until the spring of 2009, when the project in Texas finished, and her job was phased out. She later filed a complaint with the EEOC. “I had to become invisible,” Roberts says, trying to hold back her tears. “And, I’m sorry. It just changed who I was. It was really hard.”

Roberts says she was not satisfied with the EEOC handling of her case, so the agency has now given her permission to proceed on her own, with a federal lawsuit, which she may be filing soon.

A spokesperson for the Chicago Public Building Commission told us, “The alleged misconduct, while it does not appear to be related to any PBC project, is unacceptable.”

One PBC Commissioner, Adela Cepeda, told us she finds Harbour’s behavior “absolutely abhorrent,” and has asked PBC attorneys “to determine what steps PBC can take on this.”

http://chicagopressrelease.com/press-releases/racist-sexist-e-mails-circulated-at-major-city-contractor-under-fire

Read the original article from FOX Chicago News.

http://www.myfoxchicago.com/dpp/news/investigative/racist-sexist-emails

Carpenters Union Local 446 partnering with Province to create better job opportunities -Ontario

Local John Howard Society gets $651,700

By SooToday.com Staff
SooToday.com
Saturday, February 13, 2010


NEWS RELEASE

DAVID ORAZIETTI, MPP

****************************
Province investing $651,700 in Sault Ste. Marie workforce to create better job opportunities and improve workplace proficiency

McGuinty government delivering on its commitment to strengthen Ontario’s workforce

SAULT STE. MARIE - David Orazietti MPP announced that the province is investing in the local workforce by providing funding to the John Howard Society of Sault Ste. Marie, which will partner with Program Read, Carpenters Union Local 446 and Zellers Inc. to deliver a literacy and essential skills enhancement program.

The “Option to Succeed” program is aimed at helping up to 220 individuals to further develop their education, undertake more advanced training and pursue employment goals.

“Our government recognizes that advancing literacy and providing basic skills training and skills upgrading is essential to creating better employment opportunities that will empower Northern Ontario’s workforce,” said Orazietti MPP. “We are fortunate to have strong leadership in our community and I am confident that these workplace projects will equip local workers with skills they need to secure employment, advance their careers and contribute to our local economy.”

The “Options to Succeed” program will offer skill building workshops in areas necessary to find and maintain employment such as conflict resolution, applied problem solving, decision making and literacy skills that will be combined with work placement.

Eligible participants will participate in the program for up to five months and be paid an hourly wage.

The skills participants learn will allow them to contribute to our community’s workforce and result in long term employment.


“John Howard Society in partnership with Program Read is pleased the provincial government is supporting our community Options to Succeed program, which will offer skill building workshops in areas necessary to find and maintain employment,” said Suzanne Lajambe Stortini, executive director of the John Howard Society of Sault Ste. Marie.

The 2009 Ontario budget announced an additional $90 million over two years to expand literacy and basic skills training.

This funding is helping up to 13,000 more Ontarians each year prepare for more highly skilled jobs by supporting literacy and basic skills programs at almost 300 sites across the province.

The province is also supporting an upgrade to the Academic Career Entrance (ACE) program to help almost 2,000 learners access online courses this year.

ACE is associated with all colleges and Ontario Learn and provides academic upgrading courses.

Ontario is also increasing the number of people who receive literacy services through a variety of programs such as second career, pre-apprenticeship training and Ontario’s rapid re-employment and training service.

Specialized programs will also help French-language learners, Aboriginal learners and adult learners who are deaf.

In total, over 61,000 learners will access literacy, basic skills and academic upgrading programs this year.


Wednesday, February 10, 2010

Road to GREEN JOBS: DEAD END, BLOCKED, AND NO OUTLET


Green Jobs Promise Broken?

Low-Income Workers Find Road to Green Jobs Tough Going

Equal Voice, News Analysis, Claudia Rowe, Posted: Feb 10, 2010

"A year ago I was one of those saying 'Wow, this is a huge opportunity. But it can be really disappointing to find out that even the best programs can't place half their graduates," Kim said. "I don’t want to be setting people up, training them for jobs that don’t exist."


By now, the drumbeat is impossible to ignore: Job, jobs, jobs. With one in 10 adults unemployed, President Obama had little choice but to highlight jobs during his Jan. 27 State of the Union address. He mentioned the term nearly 30 times during the hour-long speech.

But among people in low-income and minority communities – millions who had felt a surge of excitement at the president’s vow to use his $787 billion American Recovery and Reinvestment Act for lifting families out of poverty – the president’s words are beginning to ring hollow. For them, the mantra has shifted and it sounds like this: Track, track, track.

Despite $500 million set aside to create “green jobs” for disadvantaged workers – including a program titled “Pathways Out of Poverty” – there is no method in place to monitor exactly where Recovery Act dollars have landed on the ground, and few requirements to ensure that low-income communities benefit. Furthermore, there never were.

“This is hardly the first time that poverty has been used as a rationalization to pass a government program which – when you read the fine print – doesn’t address poverty,” said Greg LeRoy, executive director of the nonprofit watchdog group Good Jobs First. “It certainly goes to this issue of how can you tell the recovery is really benefitting those who need it most? Obviously you can’t.”

Central to the president’s stated vision for the Recovery Act was the notion that the new “green economy” – from wind turbine construction to home weatherization – would generate opportunities previously closed to the poor, and advocates like LeRoy jumped in fast, insisting that the government require states to provide data on the race, gender and residential ZIP codes of those receiving training or jobs. They also asked that employers be mandated to note employees’ work hours, pay per hour and whether health insurance benefits, if any, were included.

Not a single request was granted.

“Poverty is just the bait,” LeRoy said. “It may sound a little cynical, but that’s the truth.”

Requiring such information would be new terrain for the federal government, he acknowledged, though the complete lack of it suggests to him that all the talk about creating new pathways to prosperity was, well, just talk.

In Washington, D.C., officials appear flummoxed by the very notion of collecting such data.

“I don’t even know how you’d do that,” said Cheryl Arvidson, a spokeswoman for the administration’s Recovery Accountability and Transparency Board.

Race and Jobs: Mum’s the Word
Social-policy experts, however, have been urging exactly this kind of tracking for months – and offering ways to put it in place.

“For us, the response has been just silence, kind of a wall of silence,” said Jason Reece, a senior researcher at the Kirwan Institute for the Study of Race and Ethnicity at Ohio State University. “The administration is very shy about talking about race issues in particular, and a good way of not talking about race and marginalized groups is just don’t collect the data. It’s extremely frustrating.”

Last fall, the Kirwan Institute began to do some tracking of its own, and the results were dismal. Of $25 billion in federal stimulus funds distributed directly to private firms in transportation and defense, only $1.6 billion – just over 6 percent – went to black-, Latino-, or women-owned businesses. By January 2010, there share of the pie had dropped to 5 percent.

In Florida, where Kirwan researchers joined with activists at the Miami Workers Center to take a detailed look at the real-life effects of stimulus funding, results were similarly perplexing. Minority-owned firms received contracts worth only 12.6 percent of total value awarded in-state. And, of the 40 companies that won business funded by the Recovery Act, only four responded to Kirwan’s requests for data.

"There's this sense of desperation from local communities because they're not seeing the effects of the stimulus," said Matt Martin, a researcher with Kirwan, describing reaction to the institute's report.

And, the document noted: “Construction work tends to rely on exclusive networks. African Americans in particular have a hard time breaking into the business. This appears to be the case with the current stimulus-funded projects as well.”

Jobs are vital, of course, to reviving the economy as a whole and the estimated number of those created or saved by the Recovery Act ranges from 640,000 to 2 million, depending on who’s counting. But the notion of green jobs had been greeted as a potential godsend for families struggling against decades of entrenched poverty. A green economy could employ low-skilled workers in solid, family-wage jobs while simultaneously aiding the environment. It seemed like a win for everyone.

In Seattle, Michael Woo of the grassroots group Got Green spent last summer leading throngs of young people through blighted streets, showing them the possibilities inherent in every dilapidated home and broken rooftop.

“Everywhere they saw problems, the solution was a job – a green job,” Woo said.

He is not nearly so sure of that now.

Despite a Washington law directing that minority and low-income workers be included in Recovery Act spending, Woo – who was part of an Equal Voice coalition lobbying the state for equity – has seen little actual hiring and zero effort to track exactly who is being funneled into the jobs pipeline. Of the 10 would-be workers he selected for weatherization training, only one, Yirm Seck, found employment, and that lasted for a total of three weeks.

All Trained Up, But Nowhere to Go
The $20-an-hour job was nice while it lasted, said Seck, hired by a nonunion firm to weatherize homes in a leafy, upper-class area of Seattle. But it wasn’t quite what he’d hoped for.

“My expectations were that I’d complete the course, get certified and there would be avenues linking me to an actual job,” said Seck. “Instead, it’s ‘Hey, great, you’re certified, and, yes, there’s money here. But we can’t give you an actual date to start work.’”

Despite completing two years of college, Seck, 28, spends most of his time parenting a 3-year-old daughter while her mother supports the family by working at a Seattle supermarket. He is African American and has been without steady employment for more than two years.

“I thought the jobs program was a lot more organized,” Seck said. “But most of the people who went through those training classes still aren’t employed. I was one of the lucky few.”

The president championed a green economy to help the poor, but data from the Applied Research Center suggest that the field is “highly exclusionary.” A November 2009 report noted that blacks and Latinos – with poverty rates more than twice those of whites – are poorly represented among green workers. The disparities are even starker for women of color: Only 1.5 percent of black women were employed in green jobs. For Latinas, it was 1 percent.

“If you don’t recover the communities that have been hardest hit, there is not going to be a recovery,” said Hashim Benford, an organizer with Miami Workers Center. “We’d heard that there was going to be all this green jobs money. We had this concept of a jobs pipeline that would train people and link them up to employment. But from what I’ve seen nothing’s moving.”

There are bright spots: New Jersey, for example, requires that half of all weatherization projects be performed by workers from low-income communities. Portland, Ore., has similar mandates. And in Los Angeles, an ordinance passed last spring is expected to create at least 60 jobs for residents of low-income communities then retrofitting city building.

But such examples are few.

Green For All, a national nonprofit monitoring progress in this sector, examined energy-efficiency bills in 30 states and found fewer than a third targeted low-income communities or workers of color.

“Frankly speaking, sometimes people don’t care about the demographics – they just want to get the jobs out there,” said Vien Truong, a policy analyst with the group. “In Oakland, we have an unemployment rate of 18 percent, so it’s ‘Create green jobs – check.’”

In the Deep South, few state policymakers are even talking about racial realities behind the Recovery Act.

“Jobs for our community?” said Leroy Johnson, executive director of the Mississippi civil rights group Southern Echo. “It’s not working at all. It was all good thoughts and good policy. The problem is, it’s been left in the hands of governors. Where you have good governors, maybe you have a shot.”

Johnson says his suggestion to get black workers certified for road building through apprenticeship programs was simply waved away.

Elsewhere, trainers continue to reach out and encourage the hopeful-and-unemployed. But the longer this goes on without a job at the finish line, the more worried community organizers become.

Ian Kim, director of the Green Collar Jobs Campaign at the Ella Baker Center for Human Rights in Oakland, suspects there is already a glut of workers trained and ready to install solar paneling, for example, while projects to employ them linger far behind.

“A year ago I was one of those saying ‘Wow, this is a huge opportunity. But it can be really disappointing to find out that even the best programs can’t place half their graduates," Kim said. "I don’t want to be setting people up, training them for jobs that don’t exist.”


http://news.ncmonline.com/news/view_article.html?article_id=16018537780e410a2e51eccb036c08f0

Monday, February 8, 2010

Black Women and the Labor Movement Part 1

Black History Month Tribute: The Black Woman's Place in Labor History


Women in America (Oxford)Labor Picketers, c. 1979-1980. These black workers were striking the Memphis Furniture Company, which tried to break their union. The photograph—by Larry Coyne for Press-Scimitar—appears in Michael Keith Honey’s oral history Black Workers Remember, published in 2000.University of Memphis, Mississippi Valley
Since their first arrival aboard a Dutch ship at the shores of Jamestown in 1619, African American women have resisted exploitation even as they have struggled to control the terms and conditions of their labor. While indentured servants and slaves, black women engaged in work slowdowns to protest their treatment; once emancipated, freedwomen employed strikes and boycotts to assert their demands. Yet although already doubly exploited by gender and racial discrimination, African American women in the United States have also faced bias from an organized labor movement dominated by white men focused on organizing the industrial sector. Shut out of better-paying industrial jobs until the mid-twentieth century, most black women were forced to work as domestics and agricultural laborers. Thus, until recently, the history of black women and the labor movement has been a story of resistance that was organized and supported as often by short-lived black-led collective actions as it was by integrated national unions.
While the vast majority of antebellum African American women performed agricultural or domestic work, a pattern that would continue long after emancipation, a small number of slaves were rented out by their owners to southern industries. The treatment of slaves in industry, where they were frequently used as strike breakers, mirrored the brutality of plantation farming. Cotton and wool mills, food and tobacco processors, and even canal and railroad builders relied on female slaves who were often underfed, poorly clothed, and forced to work twelve- to sixteen-hour days, sometimes seven days a week.
Upon emancipation, expectations about the labor of freedwomen became a battleground between southern black families and both northern and southern white society. While the Victorian middle-class ideal placed white women in the private sphere of the home, freedwomen’s attempts to engage in full-time domesticity laboring for their own families were met with considerable hostility. Eager to reunite the nation and its markets, northern leaders saw in freed black women a cheap labor source whose work in southern fields supported northern manufacturers such as textile mills. Southern leaders also expected freedwomen to labor outside their homes to help to rebuild the southern agricultural economy. Just as important, many southerners looked to African American women’s labor to maintain a social barrier between black and white women. With freedmen earning far less than white laborers, often for the same work, African American women were forced into the wage labor market to support their families. Therefore, following emancipation black married women established a precedent of working outside their homes in larger percentages than their white working-class counterparts, a pattern that continued until the 1990s.
Choices for employment for African American women remained largely limited to physically demanding agricultural and domestic work. In both of these occupations, workers encountered difficult barriers to organizing. Black women performing domestic work in private homes as cooks, maids, child-nurses, and laundresses remained isolated from one another, making union organizing nearly impossible. Long hours, including twelve- to sixteen-hour days, and close supervision by their employers further discouraged unionizing efforts.
“Taking in” laundry allowed black women to work within the autonomy of their homes while building and maintaining community networks. It also allowed for association with other workers in the community, the first step in organizing collective actions. As Tera Hunter writes, between1866 and 1881 southern washerwomen organized mass labor protests in an attempt to set the terms of their labor. Workers in Jackson, Galveston, and Atlanta struck for the right to determine their wage rates. Parading through the cities, the striking women not only withheld their labor but also attempted to prevent nonstriking white laundresses from undermining their efforts by crossing picket lines. The most dramatic of these uprisings was the Atlanta strike, where on 19 July 1881, the city’s newly formed Washing Society demanded the right to set their prices at a uniform rate. Eventually number-ing several thousand striking women and supporters, the strike encouraged laundresses, cooks, maids, and nurses to join in what threatened to become a general strike. Newspaper coverage of the strike suggests African American workingwomen in the Reconstruction South recognized the importance of organizing, even if their actions were short-lived and local. Machine-run steam laun-dries eventually replaced southern washerwomen, forcing African American women into industrial settings. Yet, these strikes proved the first of many attempts by black workers to organize their ranks and improve their wages and working conditions.
By the late nineteenth century, black workers were still largely excluded from the labor movement in spite of notable attempts at both integrating white industrial unions and at forming their own unions. Organizations such as the Colored National Labor Union, founded in 1869 by workers not included in the all-white National Labor Union, proved no match for the forces arrayed against them. Although the small northern black population faced discrimination in the labor market, it could not compare with the violent southern hostility to the labor movement. Attempts by both northern and southern Blacks to integrate such organizations as the Knights of Labor also failed when, despite its rhetorical commitment to integration, the Knights continued to segregate many of its local chapters. The decline of the Knights in the late 1890s and the rise of the American Federation of Labor (AFL), which had little interest in either black or female workers, presaged continued struggles for African American women laborers as they entered the twentieth century.
During the war black men and women found employment for the first time in industry in significant numbers, filling vacancies left by young men serving in the military. It was even more common, however, for black women to fill the jobs of white immigrant domestics moving into industrial jobs in northern cities. Still, one manufacturing industry that opened to black workers in both the North and South during the war was the textile industry. War-induced labor shortages not only forced southern mills to employ more African American women, but also forced northern mills to recruit them as well. Although black women already worked in the southern textile industry, they had most often been consigned to low-paid janitor-ial work; labor demands of the war allowed them access to more lucrative jobs running machines. In other industries, such as munitions, meatpacking, metalworking, and food processing, newfound access to skilled and semiskilled jobs did not change black women’s relegation to the most physically demanding and low paying jobs available. As in prewar days, even those performing the same work as white women took home significantly lower wages. Efforts to integrate unions during the war made little headway. Even the AFL-affiliatedWomen’s Trade Union League (WTUL) largely failed at their attempts to fill positions opened by the promotion of white women with black workers.

Demobilization at the end of World War I reversed many of the temporary gains made by both black and white women during the war. Returning servicemen reclaimed the industrial jobs held by both black and white women. In 1920, 80 percent of employed black women still worked as agricultural or domestic workers. Whites’ resistance to working beside blacks continued the prewar segregation of the work force. Following a now-familiar pattern, racism impeded attempts at building worker solidarity.
Nonetheless, the labor shortage produced by World War I also provided opportunities for black women outside of industry to organize themselves. Under the guidance of middle-class activists including Mary Church Terell, in 1917 the Women Wage-Earners’ Association headquartered in Washington, DC, led the domestics, waitresses, nurses, and tobacco stemmers of Norfolk, Virginia, in a strike for increased wages and improved working conditions. Like the washerwomen strike in Atlanta over thirty-five years earlier, working black women stood poised to disrupt white society by withholding their labor. White unions refused to support the strike, however, and many in the community attacked its timing as unpatriotic. Accusations of interference with the war effort led to the strike’s failure and ultimately to the demise of the Norfolk union. While black women had failed to win their immediate demands, they had proven their resolve to fight for economic justice.

Throughout the 1920s, black working women continued to organize. Though most domestics still worked not in hotels and restaurants but in private homes, domestic workers affiliated with the AFL’s Hotel and Restaurant Employees Union and established ten locals in the South. The International Ladies Garment Workers’ Union’s ill-fated attempt to organize blacks in the late 1920s alongside the discriminatory practices of most AFL unions, however, left African American women more comfortable with black-led organizations.
The founding of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters (BSCP) by A. Phillip Randolph in 1925proved a far more successful vehicle for organizing black women. Believing the backing of porters’ wives would influence the success of his organization, Randolph relied on women to help build the union into the most influential black labor organization of its time. In spite of the reality that most African American married women had to work to support their families, BSCP leaders held the middle-class view that women hired by the railroads were temporary workers, only employed until they married. Thus, the BSCP leadership looked to the wives of workers rather than women laborers to organize. Women’s auxiliaries were integral to the success of the union, as women lectured on the importance of union membership and collected union dues. They worked not only for economic equality but social and political equality as well, uniting the goals of the nascent civil rights and labor movements. In the process, they helped to establish a black middle class at a time when occupations considered middle-class gateways, such as clerical and sales jobs, as well as nursing, remained all but closed to black women. The economic crisis of the next decade, however, would limit the opportunities of black families struggling to work their way out of poverty.
women in the workplace - a history

LABOR UNIONS
After the Civil War, which saw the deaths of more than 600,000 men and the maiming of countless others, it became necessary for women to enter the work force in increasing numbers. Some journalists and labor leaders called for the creation of a Women's Bureau to oversee conditions of female labor.

But that agency, later formed as part of the federal Department of Labor, did not actually materialize until 1920. In the meantime, even
African-American women in the South had begun to unionize. Newly freed black women, working as laundresses in Jackson, Mississippi, formed a union and struck for higher wages as early as 1866. Married or single, these women participated in the paid labor force to a far greater extent than other American women, largely because racial discrimination limited economic opportunities for black men.
The Knights of Labor, established in 1869, was the first large-scale national labor federation in the United States. In 1881, its members voted to admit women. The organization grew significantly in the mid-1880s after a series of successful strikes. Stressing equal pay regardless of sex or color, the Knights relied heavily on the organizing efforts of women such as the beloved widow, Mary Harris Jones, better known as "Mother Jones."

By the 1890s, the Knights of Labor, weakened by lost strikes, poor investments, and battles with the newly formed American Federation of Labor (AFL), no longer carried much weight in the labor movement. Its early demise, however, could not detract from the unprecedented role played by the Knights of Labor in the promotion of women in the work force.

The most successful union at the turn of the twentieth century was the AFL. Unfortunately for women workers, Samuel Gompers, its first president, shared society's belief that a woman's place was in the home. It was the union's stand that "it is wrong to permit any of the female sex of our country to be forced to work, as we believe that men should be provided with a fair wage in order to keep his female relatives from going to work." If women engaged in paid work, it was felt, respect for them would diminish and they would "bring forth weak children who are not educated to become strong and good citizens."

One of the ways that working women sought to overcome male indifference or hostility was to join forces with upper-class women in the Women's Trade Union League (WTUL), an organization founded in the United States in 1903. Initially, the WTUL hoped to persuade male-dominated unions to take women workers more seriously. Female sewers in the shirtwaist factories, dismissed in 1909 for union activity, were joined on the picket line by their upper-class allies. When both groups were hauled before judges, public sympathy turned a localized strike into New York City's "Uprising of the 20,000."
Part 2: The Great Depression

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